GUEST ARTICLE
A HISTORIAN’S ASSESSMENT
OF ANCIENT CHRISTIANITY
Edward Gibbon is considered
to be the premier historian of the 18th century. Born in
1737 in Putney, England, he was of delicate health in his
youth (only one of seven siblings to survive childhood).
This circumstance, combined with his great love for learning,
made him a natural student.
He was especially fond of history.
At the age of sixteen he joined the Roman Catholic Church,
which greatly annoyed his Protestant father, who subsequently
placed the lad under the tutelage of a strict Calvinist
minister. In less than two years, Gibbon abandoned Catholicism.
Eventually the young man fell under the influence of the
skeptical philosopher, David Hume, and the French deist,
Voltaire, and the remnant of his faith faded.
Gibbon’s most notable achievement
was the production of his famous, The Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire (1776-1788), which originally appeared
in six volumes. This comprehensive history dealt with the
Roman empire from the second to the fifteenth centuries
A.D. Some believe that this effort remains unchallenged
as the best history of the empire. This writer has owned
a set of Gibbon for almost forty years, and has, from time
to time, consulted the work with interest and profit.
The most controversial aspect
of this labor was chapters 15 and 16 of volume one, wherein
the author described the rapid growth of Christianity—as
he perceived it. It must be remembered that Gibbon repudiated
all supernatural elements of the Christian system, hence
it is not to be expected that he would write in such a
way as to be fair to Christ and his church. At that time,
an open attack against Christianity would have made him
subject to civil prosecution; accordingly, he wrote with
bitter irony and a ridicule so subtle as to escape ready
detection.
In his discussion of the growth
of the religion of Christ, the historian cited five reasons
for its success (383). A consideration of these is of some
interest to the New Testament student. Two things, however,
must be borne in mind. First, Gibbon sought to explain
the growth of Christianity on purely naturalistic bases;
second, much of what he calls “Christianity” had to do
with a church that was already in the throes of apostasy.
Still, there are some valuable lessons to be learned from
his observations.
The
Inflexible Zeal of the Church
The first reason cited by the
historian had to do with the “inflexible” or “intolerant” zeal
of the primitive Christians. A unique circumstance prevailed
in those days. “[M]ost different and even hostile nations
embraced, or at least respected, each other’s superstitions.”
Christians, however, with strong
monotheistic convictions, refused to accommodate such a
disposition. They declined, for example, to participate
in the rituals of idolatry, which were woven into the fabric
of virtually every aspect of society—business or pleasure.
By going against the grain
of paganism, the ancient brotherhood was constantly flexing
its spiritual muscles. Thus, as the historian notes, “their
attachment to the faith was continually fortified” (398).
Hardship made them strong (cf. Jas. 1:2-4), and the stronger
they grew, the more rapidly the faith spread. Luke notes: “They
therefore that were scattered abroad went about preaching
the word” (Acts 8:4).
Surely there ought to be something
that we can learn from this in these days when a multitude
of radical voices—from Nashville to Abilene to Malibu—are
urging that we become a syncretic movement that sacrifices
doctrinal conviction for the sake of religious union.
A
Future Life
A second consideration mentioned
by the historian was the Christian doctrine of “a future
life.” Gibbon observed: “The writings of Cicero represent
in the most lively colours the ignorance, the errors, and
the uncertainty of the ancient philosophers with regard
to the immortality of the soul.”
For instance, Aristotle said
that death is “the most to be feared of all things …. for
it appears to be the end of everything; and for the deceased
there appears to be no longer either any good or any evil.”
Aeschylus declared: “Of one
once dead there is no resurrection.”
Another writer, Catullus, sighed: “When
once our brief day has set, we must sleep one everlasting
night.”
Gibbon was quite candid when
he observed that “the most sublime efforts of philosophy
can extend no farther than feebly to point out the desire,
the hope, or at most, the probability of a future state.” He
stated that “there is nothing, except a divine revelation
that can ascertain the existence and describe the invisible
country which is destined to receive the souls of men after
their separation from the body” (399).
Christianity, of course, has
the proof of a future existence. The resurrection
of Jesus, as the “firstfruits” of the dead, i.e., the promise
of an eventual harvest, represents Heaven’s pledge for
the future (1 Cor. 15:20).
To John, on Patmos, the risen
Savior said: “Fear not; I am the first and the last, and
the Living one; and I was dead, and behold, I am alive
for evermore, and I have the keys of death and Hades” (Rev.
1:17-18).
Amazingly, Gibbon wrote:
“When the promise of eternal happiness was proposed to mankind on the condition
of adopting the faith, and of observing the precepts, of the Gospel, it is no
wonder that so advantageous an offer should have been accepted by great numbers
of every religion, of every rank, and of every province in the Roman empire” (402).
Miraculous
Powers
A third reason was the fact
that “miraculous powers” were associated with the primitive
church. Gibbon says that the “supernatural gifts” which
were “ascribed to the Christians above the rest of mankind,
must have conduced to their own comfort, and very frequently
to the conviction of infidels” (407). Two things must be
remembered:
- The writer did not believe that genuine miracles
accompanied the commencement of the Christian faith.
- He was unable to distinguish the genuine miracles
of the apostolic age from the bogus claims of some in
the post-apostolic period.
The important point is this:
Gibbon concedes that the conviction of the early
church, relative to supernatural endowments, was a motivating
factor in the explosion of the primitive movement.
There is, of course, overwhelming
evidence that the kingdom of Christ was, in fact, launched
to the accompaniment of miracles. The early church, for
example, consisted exclusively of Jews for the first several
years of its existence. The Hebrews were fierce in their
devotion to the worship of one God—especially since those
hard days of the Babylonian exile.
What was the cause, therefore,
that led thousands of them to develop a religious devotion
for Jesus Christ that was so intense they were willing
to die for him? Both New Testament and secular history
reveal that this was the case. The cause must have been
the powerful, miraculous demonstration that Jesus was a
divine Being.
Additionally, there is much
testimony that even the enemies of the Lord acknowledged
that he possessed powers extraordinary (cf. Jn. 11:47;
Mk. 15:31). Even secular sources, i.e. the Jewish Talmud,
Josephus, etc., referred to the marvelous deeds, or “magic,” that
Christ did.
The truth is, no honest historian
can explain the success of the Christian movement apart
from a supernatural origin. And it was not a matter of
what the early Christians merely “believed.” It was a case
of what was actually happening in their lives! It was history.
Christian
Morality
A fourth contributing factor
mentioned by Gibbon in explaining the rapid growth of the
early church was the “pure and austere morals of the Christians.” He
confessed that “the primitive Christian demonstrated his
faith by his virtues; and it was very justly supposed that
the Divine persuasion, which enlightened or subdued the
understanding, must at the same time purify the heart and
direct the actions of the believer” (410-11).
The power of Christ’s teaching
lies not in the fact that one can find forgiveness, and
then continue in his wayward life; rather, it is reflected
in a reformation of character.
When Pliny the Younger wrote
his letter to Trajan (ca. A.D. 112), he stated that the
Christians abstained from theft, robbery, adultery, breech
of faith, etc. One only has to read Romans 1 to get a sense
of the moral bankruptcy that engulfed the world of the
Caesars.
But Christianity, with its
lofty moral and ethical influence, was a fresh breeze across
the stagnant terrain of antiquity. And thousands, burdened
under the oppressive weight of ungodliness, found thrilling
relief in the elevating power of the Gospel of the Son
of God.
Christian
Union and Discipline
Finally, Gibbon argued that
the “union and discipline of the Christian republic” gradually
formed “an independent and increasing state in the heart
of the Roman empire.” Two things here are of special interest.
The early church was characterized
by a sense of solidarity (cf. Acts 4:32); Christian unity
provided a source of strength against the hostile forces
of the world. Only later did “sects” mar the scene.
Second, the historian noted
that the disciples were cautious “to detect the errors
of heresy” as such evolved within the movement. The devout
were willing “to expel” from the society of the faithful
those, who by teaching or practice, threatened the safety
of the religious community (417).
Gibbon also notes that one
of the factors that preserved the integrity of the church
in those early days was that every congregation was “separate
and independent,” and as yet not “connected by any supreme
authority or legislative assembly” (420). Thus the divine
organization of the church, along with its willingness
to discipline the unruly, facilitated growth.
The historian surmised that
by the end of the 3rd century A.D., there were approximately
1 million Christians in Rome. Modern estimates go much
higher and suggest that one out of every five persons was
a devotee of Christ.
The reasons Gibbon cited for
the rapid expansion of the faith certainly do not exhaust
the story, but surely they reflect some valuable truths
from which the serious student can profit.
Sources
Gibbon, Edward (n.d.), The
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (New York: The
Modern Library), Vol. I.
Wayne Jackson
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